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servitore affetionatissimo fra gabriello puliti
De musica disserenda III/2 • 2007 • 107–134
“SERVITORE AFFETIONATISSIMO FRA GABRIELLO PULITI”
AND THE DEDICATEES OF HIS PUBLISHED MUSIC WORKS
(1600–1635): FROM INSTITUTIONAL COMMISSION
VIA A SEARCH FOR PROTECTION TO AN
EXPRESSION OF AFFECTION
METODA KOKOLE
Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU, Ljubljana
Izvleček: Gabriello Puliti (ok. 1583–1644) je
ustvaril vsaj 36 glasbenih del, od katerih je
preživela slaba polovica. Analiza vsebin 16 glas­
benih del in 15 ohranjenih posvetilnih pisem
je omogočila rekonstrukcijo mreže Pulitijevih
verskih, kulturnih, glasbenih in drugih stikov.
Prek posvetil je skladatelj bolj kot finančno
nagrado pričakoval in želel pridobiti zaščito pri
svojih vsakodnevnih in poklicnih dejavnostih.
Ključne besede: Gabriello Puliti, tipologija po­
svetil, glasbeno zaščitništvo.
Abstract: Gabriello Puliti (c. 1583–1644) com­
posed at least 36 musical works of which survi­
ved less than one half. The contents of 16 musi­
cal works and 15 preserved letters of dedication
were analysed in an attempt to reconstruct the
network of Puliti’s religious, cultural, mu­sical,
and other connections. Through his dedications
the composer sought not so much financial gain
as protection in all daily and professional ac­
tivities.
Keywords: Gabriello Puliti, types of dedica­
tions, music patronage.
MADRIGALE
DEL SIG. GIO: BATTISTA BRATI
A Fra Gabriello Puliti.
Dalla Musica Sfera
Puliti, il canto Angelico apprendesti:
Onde di Gabriello il nome havesti.
Ma se del Ciel, l’angelica armonia
Emular t’insegnò dotta Thalia;
Meraviglia non è, s’hor a le genti
Formi, divino Orfeo celesti ACCENTI.
Who, indeed, was this “Frater Gabriello Puliti” whom Giovanni Battista Brati, “accademico Desioso”, a member of the literary Accademia Palladia of Koper (It. ­Capodistria),
praised as a divine musician: this Orpheus who learned, under Thalia’s tutelage, the ­angelic
Madrigal published in: Gabriello Puliti, Sacri accenti, Ventia, Alessandro Vincenti, 1620.
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De musica disserenda III/2 • 2007
music of the spheres? Even though the short madrigal quoted above is only a customary
form of tribute to Puliti following a humanist tradition par excellence of his time – being
written in florid language laden with mythological references and extravagant description
of the composer’s music abilities – it can also be understood as a significant testimony to
the social circumstances of Puliti’s most productive years as a composer in Istria, spent
both in the “divine” setting of churches in Koper, Trieste and Labin (It. Albona) and in
the “secular”, humanist ambience of the literary academy in Koper. Gabriello Puliti was,
indeed, an interesting and intriguing person, producing sacred music for practical use in
churches and convents as well as composing secular songs that included madrigals of an
overtly erotic nature.
In this contribution I have attempted a brief analysis of Puliti’s dedications, recon­
structing the network of his dedicatees – patrons, associates, superiors, musical colleagues, etc. – which, located in the social and cultural milieu of its time, contributes a
few details to the still very incomplete biography of Gabriello Puliti, this relatively little
known Italian composer who spent most of his life in Istria within territory belonging
today variously to Croatia, Slovenia and Italy. But before I pass to the documents themselves, let me, however briefly, summarise his currently known biography.
In a number of poetic texts accompanying his music, Puliti’s name Gabriello is conveniently
related to “angelic”, alluding to the Angel Gabriel and thus to “angelic music”.
Especially the collection of five-part madrigals Baci ardenti of 1609, but also some of the
mascherate of Ghirlanda odorifera, published in 1612.
Puliti’s career in Istria and some aspects of his musical work have already aroused the curiosity of
Slovenian, Croatian, and especially Italian scholars: notably Janez Höfler, Ennio Stipčević, in the
latest time also Nikola Lovrinić, Giuseppe Radole and, especially, Ivano Cavallini. However, no
attempt has so far been made to review systematically the fifteen preserved letters of dedication
and complimentary poetry published in his musical works.
For Puliti’s biography, see Giuseppe Radole, Musicisti a Trieste sul finire del Cinquecento e nei
primi del Seicento, Archeografo triestino 22 (1959), pp. 133–151; Giuseppe Radole, Musica e
musicisti in Istria nel Cinque e Seicento, Atti e memorie della Società istriana di archeologia e
storia patria 65 (1965), pp. 147–214; Ennio Stipčević, Uvodna razmatranja o umjetnosti ­
Gabriella Pulitija, Arti musices 14 (1983), pp. 33–50; Giuseppe Radole, La Civica Cappella di
San Giusto: 450 anni di musica a Trieste, Trieste, Comitato “Cappella Civica 450”, 1989,
pp. 29‑38; Ivano Cavallini, Musica, cultura e spettacolo in Istria tra ’500 e ’600, Firenze,
Olschki, 1990, pp. 33–41; Giuseppe Radole, La musica a Capodistria, Trieste, Centro studi
storico-reli­giosi Friuli-Venezia Giulia, 1990, pp. 33–42; Ennio Stipčević, Gabriello Puliti,
ranobarokni skladatelj u Istri, Musica incognita: Ivan Lukačić i njegova doba, Šibenik, Gradska
Knjižnica Juraj Sizgorić, 1998, pp. 21–42; Ljudevit Anton Maračić, Maleni i veliki Franjevci
konventualci u Istri, Zagreb, Provincijalat Franjevca konventualca, 2001, pp. 132–137; Metoda
Kokole, Introduction, in: Gabriello Puliti, Sacri concentus (1614), Pungenti dardi spirituali
(1618), ed. Metoda Kokole, Monumenta artis musicae Sloveniae XL, Ljubljana, ZRC SAZU,
2001, pp. XXV–XXVII; Nikola Lovrinić, Gabriello Puliti: Baci ardenti (1609.) i Armonici
accenti (1621.) – transkripcija, analiza i kontekst nastanka. Prilog proučavanju povjesti
madrigala u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb, 2003 (Muzička akademija Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, BA thesis);
Metoda Kokole, Sacred music in “Capo d’Istria” in the 17th century, Barocco Padano 4, ed.
Alberto Colzani […], Contributi musicologici del Centro Ricerche dell’A.M.I.S. 16, Como, A.
M.I.S., 2006, pp. 225–261: 228–240; and Nikola Lovrinić, Gabriello Puliti: Sacrae cantiones
(1600.) – transkripcija, ­analiza i kontekst nastanka. Primjer zbirke moteta sjevernotalijanskoga
108
Metoda Kokole: “Servitore affetionatissimo Fra Gabriello Puliti” and the dedicatees of his published works
Gabriello Puliti was born in the Tuscan town of Montepulciano in 1583 (?). He
took holy orders before 1600, when he also received his musical education, probably in
Florence under the fathers of the monastery of Santa Croce in their educational institution
called “Lo Studio”. He then spent short periods in the monasteries of Pontremoli and
Piacenza, fulfilling the positions of “maestro di coro” (Lat. “in alma terra Pontremuli in
Choro Magistri”) in 1600 and organist of the monastery in Piacenza in 1602. From these
two towns he committed to print his earliest surviving publications, which were two collections of traditional four- and five-part motets and psalms suitable for the use of his
own institutions: the Sacrae modulationes, quae vulgo motecta nuncupantur […] of 1600
and the Integra omnium solemnitatum vespertina psalmodia […] of 1602. From January
1604, when “frater Gabriel de Monte Puliciano” is recorded as being attached to one of
the houses of his order in Pula (It. Pola), he apparently remained in the Minorite province
of San Girolamo for Istria and Dalmatia until his death in 1644.
kruga s kraja 16. sto­ljeća, Zagreb, 2007 (Muzička akademija Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, MA
thesis).
The year of his birth can be deduced from the note in the Necrologium dei frati Minori Conven­
tuali. Provincia di S Antonio di Padova, Padova, ms., 1926: “19 aprile 1644: P. Gabriele Puliti,
Maestro di musica, morto a 62 anni di età, 44 di Professione.” In the Archivio Vescovile e Capitolare in Montepulciano; Libri di Battesimo; Battesimi de Maschi dalli 1562 all’1592, Cattedrale,
fol. 80r, there is indeed a note on a boy Gabriello “figliuolo di Pietro di Simone Pandolfini da
Castiglone e di Lucretia sua moglie”, baptised on 26 March 1583. The composer’s second name,
Puliti, was probably the name he adopted when he entered the Franciscan order of the Frati Mi­
nori Conventuali around the turn of the century. The name “Puliti” may in fact derive from the
name of his native town, which is called in Latin “Monte Politiano”; in a document from 1633
Puliti was, indeed, recorded as “Gabriel Politus a Monte Politiano”. See [Stefano Rinaldi], Musicisti dell’Ordine Francescano dei Minori Conventuali dei sec. XVI–XVIII, Note d’archivio per
la storia musicale 16 (1939), p. 194.
This information can be deduced from the dedication of Puliti’s first book of monodic motets, the
Pungenti dardi spirituali of 1618. The following phrase hints, in my opinion, at a stay, or possibly
a period of study, at the famous educational institution “Lo Studio di Santa Croce”: “[…] mentre
m’hanno honorato in prendermi, et annoverarmi per Padre di cotesto nobilissimo Conuento di
Santa Croce.” For more on the history of Santa Croce, see Massimiliano G. Rosito (ed.), Santa
Croce nel solco della storia, Firenze, Edizioni Città di Vita, 1996.
Sacrae modulationes, quae vulgo motecta nuncupantur, quatuor, et quinis vocibus concinendae,
Parma, Erasmo Vioti, 1600; and Integra omnium solemnitatum vespertina psalmodia quinis vo­
cibus concinenda, Milano, Simone Tini and Giovanni Francesco Besuti, 1602. The psalms of
the 1602 volume also contain a part for the “Basso continuato”. Both collections are preserved
complete (copies exist in Bologna, Lucca – only the 1600 volume, and Piacenza – only the 1602
psalms). Puliti’s formative years in Tuscany and his early musical career are the least well known
periods of his life and have only recently become the subject of serious musicological research.
Sacrae modulationes of 1600 are now published in a modern edition by Nikola Lovrinić in the
series of Monumenta artis musicae Sloveniae L, Ljubljana, ZRC SAZU, 2006. This collection
of motets was researched as part of a MA thesis by Nikola Lovrinić (N. Lovrinić, op. cit., 2007).
The same author is currently preparing the edition of Integra […] that will be published as volume LIV of the same series.
His death is also recorded in the acts of the Minorite province (Acta. Prov. s. Hieronimi) as having
occurred on 19 June 1644 in Trieste. See also note 6, above; and L. A. Maračić, op. cit., p. 136.
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De musica disserenda III/2 • 2007
In 1605 Puliti moved to Muggia near Trieste, where he was “maestro di cappella”
and organist. In this capacity he published in Venice a collection of Scherzi capricci et
fantasie per cantar à due voci, of which only a copy of the Canto part-book is preserved.10
Since the pieces have no text, it can be assumed that they were actually musical exercises
for solfeggio or instrumental performance. Interestingly enough, Puliti named some of
the pieces after north Istrian towns closely connected with his life: La Muglesana, La
Triestina, etc.11 He dedicated the volume to Pietro dell’Argento, a member of a powerful
Triestine family, apparently seeking, as we shall see later, this patron’s protection against
slander and envy.
From 1606 to 1609 Puliti lived in Koper, the capital city and administrative centre
of Venetian Istria. He composed there his second collection of five-part madrigals, Baci
­ardenti […], which appeared in print in early 1609.12 The first volume of Puliti’s madrigals, the Madrigali pastorali of 1604, is, unfortunately, not preserved.13 On the title-page
of the 1609 volume, which is dedicated to Archduke Ferdinand II of Inner Austria, at
that time resident in Graz, Puliti is styled for the first time “Accademico armonico detto
l’Allegro”, which indicates that he was a member of an academy, most likely the Accademia Palladia of Koper.14
On 31 May 1609 Puliti was engaged by the Bishop of Trieste (then part of the
Habsburg domains), Ursino de Bertis, for five years as organist at the Cathedral of San
Giusto.15 From this period dates his collection of mascherate for three voices, Ghirlanda
10
Scherzi, capricci et fantasie. Per cantar a due voci, Venetia, Giacomo Vincenti, 1605. The sole
extant copy is preserved in Bologna. The reconstructed scores of three fantasias (La Triestina,
L’Isolana and La Piranese) were published by Irena Pahor in 1994: Gabriello Puliti, Tre fantasie
per flauti dolci (S, T), Basel, Pizzicato, 1994.
11
Together with a later collection, the Lunario armonico of 1615, this publication is comparable
with Lodovico Viadana’s set of instrumental Sinfonie musicali, which the Venetian printer
Giacomo Vincenti dedicated in 1610 to Archduke Ferdinand of Inner Austria, who was also
the dedicatee of Puliti’s Baci ardenti of 1609. See also James Ladewig, Introduction, in:
Lodovico Viadana, Sinfonie musicali a otto voci […](Venice, 1610), ed. James Ladewig, Italian
instrumental music of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries 21, New York, Garland,
1994, pp. XI–XIV. The editor argues that in Viadana’s case the sinfonie were inspired by
popular tunes or dances associated with the named city. In Puliti’s case, no attempt has yet
been made to identify possible pre-existing melodies.
12
Baci ardenti. Secondo libro de madrigali a cinque voci, Venetia, Giacomo Vincenti, 1609.
Examples of this publication are preserved in Florence, London and Naples. See also the critical
edition by Bojan Bujić: Gabriello Puliti, Baci ardenti (1609), Armonici accenti (1621), ed. Bojan
Bujić and Ennio Stipčević, Monumenta artis musicae Sloveniae XLIV, Ljubljana, ZRC SAZU,
2003. On Puliti’s madrigals, see also Ivano Cavallini, La diffusione del madrigale in Istria:
i Casentini e Gabriello Puliti, Muzikološki zbornik 23 (1987), pp. 39–69: 62–65.
13
Oscar Mischiati, Indici, catalogi e avvisi degli editori e librai italiani dal 1591 al 1798, Firenze,
Olschki, 1984, p. 121.
14
The musical and philosophical activities of this academy have been closely studied by Ivano
Cavallini, Musica e filosofia nell’Accademia Palladia di Capodistria: Considerationi sul dilogo
Dieci de’ cento dubbi amorosi (1621), Studi musicali 16 (1987), pp. 229–245.
15
On Puliti’s activity in Trieste and the archival documentation relating to this period, see especially G. Radole, op. cit., 1989, 29–31.
110
Metoda Kokole: “Servitore affetionatissimo Fra Gabriello Puliti” and the dedicatees of his published works
Figure 1
Title-page of Puliti’s Baci ardenti dedicated to Archduke Ferdinand of Inner Austria in 1609 (Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Cen­trale, shelf-mark Mus. Ant. 16;
after Monumenta artis musicae Sloveniae
XLIV, Ljubljana, ZRC SAZU, 2003; with
permission).
odorifera, printed in Venice in 1612.16 In Puliti’s own words, the pieces were composed
for his own recreation and pleasure in playing the lute, the “cetra” and other instruments,
outside his working hours, and he decided to offer them to the nobleman Tranquillo Negri
of Labin and his family as a token of gratitude for their past hospitality. Nine years later,
he dedicated to the members of the same family a further collection of scular songs,
­Armonici accenti. Puliti returned to Koper in 1614 for the feast of the local patron saint
San Nazario and remained there until 1620 as organist at the Cathedral. This was his most
productive period, and the one when he began to add the newly fashionable sacred
­monody to his repertory of genres.17
16
Ghirlanda odorifera di varij fior tessuta, cioè mascherate a tre voci. Libro primo, Venetia,
Giacomo Vincenti, 1612. The collection survives in a single example, today kept in Vienna.
A modern critical edition was published by Ivano Cavallini. Gabriello Puliti, Ghirlanda
odorifera (1612), ed. Ivano Cavallini, Monumenta artis musicae Sloveniae XLVI, Ljubljana,
ZRC SAZU, 2004. On Puliti’s mascherate, see also Ennio Stipčević, Maskerate Gabriella
Pulitija, Sveta Cecilija 53/3 (1983), pp. 60–62; 53/4 (1983), pp. 83–85; and 54/1 (1984), pp. 9–10;
Ivano Cavallini, Feste e spettacoli in Istria tra Cinque e Seicento e le mascherate a tre voci di
Gabriello Puliti, Flauto dolce 14–15 (1986), pp. 3–15; and Gianmario Merizzi, Le fonti poetiche
delle mascherate di Gabriello Puliti, Muzikološki zbornik 36 (2000), pp. 17–40.
17
All collections of Puliti’s music relating to the period he spent in Koper are published in three
­volumes as critical editions with introductory texts belonging to the series Monumenta artis
­musicae Sloveniae: Gabriello Puliti, Sacri concentus (1614), Pungenti dardi spirituali (1618),
ed. Metoda Kokole, Monumenta artis musicae Sloveniae XL, Ljubljana, ZRC SAZU, 2001;
­Gabriello Puliti, Lilia convallium (1620), Sacri accenti (1620), ed. Metoda Kokole. Monumenta
111
De musica disserenda III/2 • 2007
As early as 1614 he had published two collections of sacred music. His Psalmodia
vespertina was printed with the opus number 13, which indicates that over half of his
earlier printed collections are now lost.18 This volume, which, interestingly enough, is dedi­
cated to the Abbot of the Cistercian monastery of Stična in the neighbouring Inner-Austrian province of Carniola (Ger. Sittich, It. Sitico), contains twenty four-part psalms for equal
voices and organ continuo, adapted for the use of the monks, but also convenient for the
needs of the cappella musicale of the Cathedral in Koper or for devotions in the churches
of Puliti’s order.19 Puliti’s other print of 1614 is a volume of motets for one to three voices
and organ entitled Sacri concentus and dedicated to the Bishop of Krk (It. Veglia).20
To this volume the editor and printer Giacomo Vincenti added a short note addressed
to singers in which he reminded them that Puliti could have added ornaments to his motets
but chose instead to leave them to the singers themselves “con tirate di gorgia far Passaggi”. To leave the choice of embellishments to the performer was not an unusual practice
at the time. In 1608 Ottavio Durante, then active in Rome, explained in his Arie divote the
way to write down ornaments (“passaggi ed altri affetti”), and in 1615 Francesco Severi
published his Salmi passagiatti per tutte le voci alla maniera che si cantano in Roma.
This systematic ornamental practice, termed by Vincenti “alla Romana”, was also explicitly practised by Bartolomeo Barbarino, who in 1614 published his Secondo libro de
motetti in both a simple and an ornate version. We should note here that Puliti definitely
knew Barbarino’s works, since in his own Pungenti dardi spirituali of 1618 he went so far
as to include a slightly simplified version of one of Barbarino’s motets of 1610.21
artis musicae Sloveniae XLII, Ljubljana, ZRC SAZU, 2002; and Gabriello Puliti, Il secondo libro
delle messe (1624), ed. Ennio Stipčević, Monumenta artis musicae Sloveniae XLVI, Ljubljana,
ZRC SAZU, 2006. See also Ivano Cavallini, Quelques remarques sur la musique sacrée en Istrie
au XVII s. et les premiers essais monodiques de Gabriello Puliti, Musica antiqua 8, Bydgoszcz,
Filharmonia Pomorska im. Ignacego Paderewskiego, 1988, pp. 235–248; and Metoda Kokole,
III. Gabriello Puliti – primo monodista istriano, La Musica Veneziana nell’Istria Settentrionale,
Ljubljana, Založba ZRC, 2004, pp. 17–19.
18
Psalmodia vespertina omnium solemnitatum totius anni iuxta ritum Sacrosanctae Romanae Ec­
clesiae, quatuor vocibus paribus concinenda. Una cum parte organica. Opera XIII, Venetia,
Giacomo Vincenti, 1614. Of this collection only one part-book is preserved, so it is impossible to
make any assumptions about the musical characteristics of Puliti’s psalms. The solitary Cantus
part is now kept in Modena. In his Psalmodia vespertina of 1614 Puliti in fact used the same set
of psalm texts as in his earlier collection Integra omnium solemnitatum vespertina psalmodia,
dating from 1602, but with totally different music.
19
The first person to draw attention to Puliti’s connections with the abbot of Stična in Carniola was
Janez Höfler. Janez Höfler, Glasbeniki koprske stolnice v 17. in 18. stoletju, Kronika 16 (1968),
pp. 140–144; and Janez Höfler, Glasbena umetnost pozne renesanse in baroka na Slovenskem,
Ljubljana, Partizanska knjiga, 1978, p. 48.
20
Sacri concentus, unis, binis, ternisque vocibus, una cum parte organica. Opera XIIII, Venetia,
Giacomo Vincenti, 1614. The sole extant example of this collection, which is not preserved in
its entirety (the Tenor part-book is missing), is kept in Florence. See also M. Kokole (ed.), op.
cit., 2001.
21
On Puliti’s connections with Barbarino, see also Ivano Cavallini, Un riferimento “padano”:
­Bartolomeo Barbarino dopo il 1607, La musica sacra in Lombardia nella prima metà del Seicen­
to, ed. Alberto Colzani […], Contributi musicologici del Centro Ricerche dell’A.M.I.S. 4, Como,
112
Metoda Kokole: “Servitore affetionatissimo Fra Gabriello Puliti” and the dedicatees of his published works
1615 saw the publication of Puliti’s next volume of secular music, Lunario armonico
perpetuo, calculato al meridiano, et clima delle principali città d’Italia, Op. 16, which
was a volume of three-part instrumental pieces with illustrative titles referring to major
Italian cities, such as Roma santa and Venetia vergine – and, last but not least, ­ Capo
d’Istria unica.22 These pieces were dedicated to the nobleman Michiele Bonzi from ­Koper
and written for his son Mario, who was a pupil of Puliti. To the same Mario Bonzi the
composer later dedicated a volume of Fantasie scherzi et capricci da sonarsi in forma
di canzone con un violino solo overo cornetto, printed originally in 1618 as Op. 19 and
reprinted in 1624.23
The next preserved collection is Op. 20 from 1618, which is the earliest of Puliti’s
five volumes of monodic motets. This is entitled Pungenti dardi spirituali a una voce
sola, Canto ò Tenore, con il Basso sotto da sonare in qual si voglia strumento chorista.24
These motets were dedicated, as I have already mentioned, to the “Molto Reverendi Padri
del Convento di Santa Croce di Fiorenza” in recognition of the composer’s gratitude for
having in the past been given hospitality by this monastery. Nine of the pieces – as we
shall see in some detail later – bear separate dedications to local nobles in Koper, to members of the Accademia Palladia, or to his musical colleagues or superiors, among whom
only his colleague and fellow composer Giacomo Finetti, maestro di cappella at the Frari
in Venice, requires mention at this point.25
A.M.I.S., 1988, pp. 223–243; and Bojan Bujić, Patronage, taste and style in early 17th-century music, Glasbeni barok na Slovenskem in evropska glasba, ed. Ivan Klemenčič, Ljubljana,
Založba ZRC, 1997, pp. 61–70: 64–67.
22
The Lunario was printed by Giacomo Vincenti in Venice. An incomplete example (the Canto
part-book is lost) survives in Bologna. A reconstructed score of the Capo d’Istria unica was
published by Irena Pahor in 1994: Gabriello Puliti, Capo d’Istria Unica a Tre Voci (flauti dolci
S, A, T), Basel, Pizzicato, 1994. Puliti inserted into this collection a piece, Verona vere una, by a
local lutenist, Celio Porro. Il Secondo Lunario, composto a 2. 3. et 4. voci was also published and
offered for sale in Vicenti’s catalogues, but not even a single example of this collection survived.
See O. Mischiati, op. cit., (Indice […] 1621), p. 6; (Indice […] 1649 and 1662), p. 8.
23
Fantasie scherzi et capricci. Da sonarsi in forma di Canzone, con un Violino solo ò vero
Cor­netto. Con il Basso principale accommodato in dua[sic] modi, uno al suo luoco, l’altro
­alla quinta alta, overo quarta bassa come più piacerà al perito Organista, et comporterà lo
­strumento. Opera decimanona, Venetia, Alessandro Vincenti, 1624. Of this collection only an
incomplete example of the 1624 reprint is preserved (the basso continuo part-book is missing)
in Trieste.
24
The Pungenti dardi spiritali were printed by Giacomo Vincenti in Venice. There are two surviving examples of this work, one in London and another in Wrocław. For more information, see
M. Kokole (ed.), op. cit., 2001, pp. XVIII–XIX.
25
Gerome Roche, Finetti, Giacomo, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians 8, 2nd
edition, London […], Macmillan Publishers, 2001, pp. 828–829. On Finetti’s close relationship
with musicians of the same order active within the Minorite province of San Girolamo for Istria
and Dalmatia, especially Lukačić in Split (It. Spalato), to whom he wrote the letter of dedication
of the collection Sacrae cantiones of 1620, see Ennio Stipčević, Ivan Lukačić e la sua raccolta
di mottetti sacri Sacrae cantiones, Venezia, 1620, in: Ivan Lukačić, Sacrae cantiones. Venezia,
1620, ed. Ennio Stipčević, Corpus Musicum Franciscanum, Padova, Centro Studi Antoniani,
1986, pp. V–XIII: VIII–X.
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De musica disserenda III/2 • 2007
Another collection dating from 1618, is Integra omnium solemnitatum vespertina
psalmodia Beatae Mariae Virginis, Op. 21, for five voices and basso continuo,26 that can
be now safely identified with Salmi e litaniae della Madonna a 5 voci recorded in 1732
by Johann Gottfried Walther27 and till recently thought to be lost. The volume contains
only seven Vesper psalms, litanies and one motet; the later is the exact reprint of an earlier
composition, En dilectus meus from his Sacrae modulationes of 1600, obviously with an
added continuo part. The psalms are, however, set to completely new music and do not
seem to be connected either to the 1602 Integra, or to the Psalmodia vespertina of 1614,
or even much later Salmi dominicali of 1635. The Op. 21 calls in its dedicatory latter to
the Triestine nobleman Benvenuto Petazzi, great protector and patron of Puliti’s order, a
high-ranking Habsburg military official, and literary man.28
Opp. 22 and 23 are Lilia convallium Beatae Mariae Virginis. Libro terzo delli con­
certi a una voce and Sacri accenti. Libro quarto delli concerti a una voce.29 They were
dedicated to two nobles of Koper, fresh from the honour of becoming Cavalieri di San
Marco; the two letters of dedication were signed within the space of only a few days. In
these collections Puliti came closest to the popular early-Baroque style of sacred monody.
In the case of the second volume, it is worth noting in addition that the motets all bear a
strict relation to the liturgical calendar of the Bishopry of Koper, such as the motet Protec­
tor noster “In festo Sancti Nazzarii Protectoris Iustinopoli” and O quam pulchra est “in
festo Sancte Ursule” (Santa Ursula being in importance second only to San Nazzario).
The latter motet was dedicated expressly to the Inquisitor General for Istria, Gregorio
Dionisi da Cagli (1615–1635), who was, in fact, a member of Puliti’s own order and was
living at the time in the composer’s monastery of San Francesco in Koper. The last of
Puliti’s known volumes of sacred monodies is known only from Vincenti’s catalogue,
where it appears as Celesti ardori. Libro quinto delli concerti a una voce sola di tenore,
Op. 26.30 It was printed by Alessandro Vincenti in Venice in 1622 and dedicated to the
then Bishop of Pula, Umberto Testa. Puliti was at the time “Maestro di Cappella della
nobilissima Terra d’Albona”.
26
The original title reads: “Integra omnium solemnitatum vespertina psalmodia Beatae Mariae Virginis. Juxta Ritum S. R. Ecclesiae Quinque Vocibus decantandis. Auctore F. Gabriele de Pulitis
Odrinis Min: Con: S. Francisci, Et in Cathedrali Ecclesia Iustinopolitana Organista. Cum Basso pro Organo. Opus vigesimum primum cum privilegio. Venetiis, Apud Iacobum Vincentium
1618.” There are only two part-books preserved in the Archives of the Cathedral in Kraków. See
Marta Pielech, Do repertuaru kapel wawelskich. Sarodruki muzyczne zachowane w archiwum
Katedraly Wawelskiej, Muzyka 46/2 (2001), pp. 59–91: 75.
27
Johann Gottfried Walther, Musikalisches Lexikon oder musikalische Bibliothek, Documenta Musicologica ­– Faksimiles 3, Kassel and Basel, Bärenreiter, 1953, p. 504.
28
See also note 42, below.
29
Both collections were printed by Alessandro Vincenti in Venice and are preserved in London;
another volume of Lilia convallium is reported to survive in a private collection in Oxford. See
M. Kokole (ed.), op. cit., 2002.
30
The collection known to us from Alessandro Vincenti’s catalogues as “libro quinto” (originally
on p. 32), was also recorded under its full title in Bologna as being preserved in Carpi, but the
print is now apparently lost.
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Metoda Kokole: “Servitore affetionatissimo Fra Gabriello Puliti” and the dedicatees of his published works
Gabriello Puliti moved in 1621 to the south-eastern Istrian town of Labin, following an invitation from the above-mentioned noble family of Negri. He served there as
“maestro di cappella” and organist at the town Cathedral. For Orazio Negri, Tranquillo’s
brother, Puliti composed in 1621 a collection of strophic canzonette for solo bass and
instrumental basso continuo – Armonici accenti. Voce sola per cantar nel chitarrone, et
in altri strumenti musicali, Op. 24 – which were followed by two three-part a cappella
madrigals, composed especially for the wedding of Agnesina Negri to a Venetian nobleman, Antonio Bragadino.31 However, Puliti returned to Koper in 1622 in search of better
opportunities and remained there until at least 1624, when he published two Masses
dedicated to Franciscus Corelius (Francesco Corelli), a “giurista capodistriano”: Il sec­
ondo libro delle messe a quattro voci, una concertata, e l’altra da choro, Op. 30.32
From 1630 to 1638 Puliti’s presence is recorded in Trieste. From this period dates his
last-known printed collection, Salmi dominicali, concertati con il Magnificat a 4. voci,
et Basso per l’organo, Op. 36, of 1635, commissioned by the Bishop of Trieste, Count
­Pompeo Coronini.33 Puliti is recorded also as having composed a Te Deum in 1630.34 Very
late in his career, on 27 February 1633, he was promoted in Venice to the rank of “magister
musices”, while still belonging in formal terms to the Franciscan province of Tuscany.35
He was elected a full member of the Dalmatian province only at its General Chapter held
in 1636 in Cres (It. Cerso). Two years later, Puliti became “discretus” at the monastery of
his order on the island of Pag (It. Pago). His death occurred in Trieste on 19 June 1644.36
Following a model proposed in 1993 by Claudio Annibaldi in his introductory essay
to a volume of studies of patronage and the commissioning of music in Italy from the
fifteenth to the eighteenth century,37 I shall now attempt to analyse the dedications that
31
The Armonici accenti were printed by Alessandro Vincenti in Venice. The sole surviving example
is kept in Bologna. There exists a facsimile edition by Ennio Stipčević with introductory text:
Gabriello Puliti, Armonici accenti, ed. Ennio Stipčević, Grožnjan, Muzička omladina Hrvatske,
1989; and also a modern critical edition. B. Bujić and E. Stipčević (ed.), op. cit., 2003. See also
I. Cavallini, op. cit., 1987, pp. 66–70; and Boris Šinigoj, Sledovi pitagorejskega izročila v Pulitijevi zbirki Armonici accenti (1621), Glasbeni barok na Slovenskem in evropska glasba, ed. Ivan
Klemenčič, Ljubljana, Založba ZRC, 1997, pp. 95–126.
32
The volume was printed by Alessandro Vincenti in Venice. There is a complete example preserved in London and a single part in Kraków. A modern critical edition is edited by Ennio
Stipčević, op. cit., 2006. For the analysis of the two Masses, see Ivano Cavallini, Četiri parodije
Gabriella Pulitija i problem mise u Istri u prvoj polovici 17. stoljeća, Muzikološki zbornik 27
(1991), pp. 39–47.
33
Puliti’s Salmi were printed by Bartolomeo Magni in Venice. Only a single Tenor part is preserved
in Trento, so a reconstruction of the music is impossible.
34
See G. Radole, op. cit., 1989, p. 31. It seems possible that this composition was commissioned
by the Bishop of Trieste, Count Pompeo Coronini, for the solemn liturgical services that accompanied the state visit of the new sovereign, Ferdinand III, in Trieste and Gorizia fixed for June
1731. The Bishop in fact “cantò la messa solenne” for the Erbhuldigung ceremony in Gorizia.
See Carlo Morelli, Istoria della Contea di Gorizia, vol. 2, Gorizia, Paternolli, 1855, p. 56.
35
[S. Renaldi], op. cit., p. 194.
36
See note 9, above.
37
Claudio Annibaldi, Introduzione, La musica e il mondo. Mecenatismo e commitenza musicale in
Italia tra Quattro e Settecento, ed. Claudio Annibaldi, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1993, pp. 9–43.
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appear in the collections of music by Puliti published between 1600 and 1635, in order
to distinguish different categories of dedicatee, and to shed some light on the composer’s
social environment and on the cultural circles in which he moved, especially in Istria.
Annibaldi proposes three major types of patronage or reasons for seeking a certain
type of a dedicatee within a triad, as he terms it, of relationships between a musiciancomposer, his dedicatee and society (“il mondo”), where social context is the prime cause
of relations between the first two. The first type is represented by the commissioning of
a work for concrete practical use, as was indeed – at least partly – the case for Puliti’s
first two works, which were collections of motets and psalms apparently intended for
practical use at his monasteries in Pontremoli and Piacenza, while he was engaged there
first as choirmaster and later as organist. Second, dedications can be a composer’s way
of seeking the protection of a socially higher-ranking patron either in order to secure his
own social status or to improve his standing through the status of the dedicatee himself
and his benevolence in deigning to accept the dedicated work. Clear examples of such an
intention are seen in Puliti’s dedication of Baci ardenti to Archduke Ferdinand, later Holy
Roman Emperor, and his dedication of Psalmodia vespertina to the Abbot Reinprecht of
Stična. The third type, according to Annibaldi, is a dedication to honour a friendship or
show gratitude for past and present favours such as hospitality. Such were Puliti’s dedications to the family Petazzi of Trieste, the Negri family from Labin and to the Bonzis of
Koper. To this category probably belogs also the dedication of Pungenti dardi spirituali
to the Fathers of Santa Croce in Florence.
Most of Puliti’s reasons for his choice of a dedicatee can, indeed, be gleaned directly from his letters of dedication. Two telling examples are the letters accompanying
the collection of motets, Sacri concentus, of 1614, addressed to the Bishop of Krk,38 and
the Sacri accenti of 1620, dedicated to Pietro Pola. In the introductory paragraph to the
first letter, signed in Venice on 10 July 1614, Puliti writes openly of “two principal reasons” for a dedication. The first is “the splendour and magnificence of the dedicatee’s
name”, and the second is his (the composer’s) “quest for his useful protection”. Puliti
adds immediately that he is offering this work to the Bishop for both of these reasons.39
38
Count Giovanni Turriani (from 1589 to 1623, Bishop of Krk) was a well-known patron of the
arts. See I. Cavallini, op. cit., 1990, p. 62. The dedication in Latin is accompanied by a Latin
epigram in Turrini’s honour by Alessandro Bruti, a member of a noble family from Koper and
probably a relative of Barnaba Bruti, the dedicatee of Puliti’s Lilia convallium of 1620 and a
man also known for his cultural interests. On Alessandro Bruti, see Pietro Stankovich, Biografia
degli uomini distinti dell’Istria, Capodistria, Carlo Priora Tipografo Editore, 1888, p. 240; and
Domenico Venturini, La famiglia albanese dei conti Bruti, Atti e memorie della società istriana
di archeologia e storia patria 20 (1904), pp. 346–408. The epigram is followed by the same
exasticon published earlier in Puliti’s collection of psalms from 1602.
39
From the dedicatory letter of the Sacri concetus of 1614. The dedication on the title-page: “Ad
Illustrissimum, et Reverendissimum Comitem Ioannem Turrianum Episcopum Veglensem, etc.”
Dedicatatory letter: “Illustrissimo, ac Reverendissimo Comiti Ioanni Turriano Veglensi Episcopo, etc. Qui opus aliquod edere constituunt, duabus potissimum causis principibus viris illud
dicare consueverunt, altera ut ex eorum nominum amplitudine splendorem, altera ut illi tutelam
mutuentur, iisdem ego causis adductus operis huius frontem praeclara tui nominis praescriptione
hominum oculis spectandam subicio, nam utrumque, dum tibi, Illustrissime Antistes, has sacras
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Metoda Kokole: “Servitore affetionatissimo Fra Gabriello Puliti” and the dedicatees of his published works
Figure 2
Title-page and dedicatory letter of Puliti’s Sacri accenti dedicated to Pietro Pola of Koper in
1620 (Bologna, Civico museo Bibliografico Musicale, shelf-mark BB 199; with permission).
The second general reference by Puliti to the type of offering appears at the beginning
of his letter of dedication to Pietro Pola40 in 1620, which reads: “The presents offered to
patrons, as is commonly said, always tend to be received with good will and if it happens
that they are great, they are willingly accepted for their greatness; but if it happens that
they are small, they are hoped to be accepted nevertheless with a happy face, since they
deserve to win favour on account of the affection of the person who is offering them
[…].” Puliti goes on to explain that his offering to the nobleman falls into the second
category, although it is also a sign of affection by the composer towards Pola, a person
much inclined to the art of music.41
nuncupo cantiones, me assecuturum certo scio. […]” Unlike the dedication, written in erudite
Latin, the instructions for the singers are written in Italian in order to make sure that they could
be well understood by potential performers.
40
On Pietro Pola, see note 52, below.
41
From the letter of dedication of the Sacri accenti, 1614 (on the title-page: “Dedicati Al Molto
­Illustre Signor il Signor Cavaliero Pietro Pola”): “Molto illustre Sig. mio collendissimo. I presenti, che si fanno a Patroni, sogliono sempre da essi esser ricevuti di buona voglia, et se aviene,
che grandi siano, s’accettano volontieri per la grandezza loro, et se piccioli sono, si ricevono
altresi con lieto viso, e si aggradiscano per l’affetto di chi gli dona; il dono, che hora io faccio a
V. S. Molto Illustre di queste mie Musicali compositioni, e nel secondo numero, poi che è per se
117
De musica disserenda III/2 • 2007
Another example of a text that clearly quotes the reasons for the dedication is the letter to the Triestine nobleman Benvenuto Petazzi42 from 1 August 1618 that accompanies
a small collection of Vesper psalms Integra omnium solemnitatum vespertina psalmodia
Beatae mariae Virginis.43 Puliti clearly states that he dedicates the psalms to Petazzi for
two reasons, first, because the dedicatee’s father, a devoted worshiper of Mary, left large
alms to different churches in Trieste and especially to the convent of St Francis (i.e. Puliti’s home in Trieste). The second reason, however, is not as clearly expressed as the first
one, but it seems to allude to Petazzi’s military renown, his heroic virtues of a “true Christian Knight” known in Italy and Germany, on the boarders of which he possessed three
castles: Sbortenech (Ger. Schwarzenegg), Castel nuovo (Ger. Neuhaus), and S. ­Seruolo
(Ger. S. Serff, Slov. Socerb).44
Before we examine Puliti’s other dedications, let me first present some statistical
details that may aid the later discussion. From the list in the Appendix, it is clear that there
are altogether sixteen printed musical collections by Puliti that have survived wholly or in
part. One of them is a reprint that omits the letter of dedication and mentions the dedicatee, Mario Bonzi, only on its title-page (Fantasie scherzi et capricci […] of 1618, known
only through the 1624 reprint). Another dedicatee, Umberto Testa, Bishop of Pula,45 is
stesso, e per l’Autore egli è di poca stima; ma comunque si sia, questo sò bene, ch’ella non mirarà
la picciolezza di lui, ma l’affetto, con cui io (che molti anni sono vivo ammiratore, et asservatore
delle suo segnalate vitrudi) gle l’apresento. Musicali componimenti io dedico a V. S. perche à
persona intendentissima di Musica, quale è lei; la cui Casa si può dir anco, che sia una Accademia
di Musica; da un Musico, delle cui opere ella hà mostrato sempre per sua bontà compiacersi, altre
che Opere musicali non si devono apresentare […]”
42
Benvenuto (Baldassare) Petazzi (1593–1643) was a member of a powerful family from Trieste.
His salt-fields in Zaule near Trieste were the immediate cause for the second Venetian war between Venice and the Habsburgs that ended with a treaty on “status quo ante bellum” right in
1618. It might be that the signed treaty actually gave free way to Puliti to address himself from
the Venetian Koper to the Triestine patron. Puliti alludes to the “heroism” of Petazzi, who was
indeed personally involved in military actions during the war. Benvenuto Petazzi was later raised
by the Emperor to Baron and Imperial Count. In 1632 he was Mayer of Trieste and Imperial
Councillor. On Petazzi see also Sergio Sghedoni, Le tredici casate di Trieste. Storia della con­
fraternità dei nobili di San Francesco delle “Genealogie” di Luigi de Jenner, Trieste, Parnaso,
2000, pp. 98–99.
43
See note 26, above.
44
From the letter of dedication of the Integra […], 1618 (on the title-page: “Al molto Illustre Sig.
or patron mio colendissimo il Sig. Benvenuto Petazzo, Signor di Sbortzenech, Castel nuovo, e S.
Seruolo, etc.”): “[…] dedicarla à V. S. per dua [sic] rispetti, l’uno perche, e figlio del Sig. Giovanni Petazzo, che mentre visse, fù devotissimo della Beata Vergine Maria, come per lasciar indietro
le grosse elemosine lasciate à diverse Chiese di Trieste sua patria, et in particolare al Monastero
di S. Francesco, dimostrò riconosciendo di riguardevole lasciata la Santissima Casa de Loreto.
Ed il secondo rispetto, perche lei unitando le paterne vestigie, e similmente devotissima della
istessa Madre di Dio, e per aggiunta, e dotata di tutte quelle Heroiche virtù, che rendono adorno
un vero Christiano Cavaliero, le quali virtù tacer alle per brevità in questo soglio, ma non sono
però ne taciute, ne scognosciute in Italia, ed in Germania, frà i confini delle quali, ella possiede à
soui tre nobilissimi Castelli.”
45
Umberto Testa was Bishop of Pula from 1618 to 1623. See also G. Radole, op. cit., 1990, p. 39.
118
Metoda Kokole: “Servitore affetionatissimo Fra Gabriello Puliti” and the dedicatees of his published works
known to us only from a mention in the catalogue of the Civico Museo Bibliografico
Musicale di Bologna, where his name is recorded in the title of Puliti’s fifth (lost) volume
of monodic motets, the Celesti ardori of 1622.
Among the fifteen preserved letters of dedication, all three types defined by Annibaldi can be found, as already noted. Puliti’s letters of dedication can be divided further
into different subgroups according to language and genre. There are altogether six texts
in Latin, all of which introduce sacred works by Puliti: the Vesper psalms of 1602, 1614
and 1635; the motets of 1600 and 1614; and the two Masses published in 1624. At least
three of the dedicatees concerned – the Abbot of Stična, and the Bishops of Krk and of
Trieste – can be safely identified as high church dignitaries and, in relation to Puliti, as
superiors from whom he expected protection.
Similar to them was possibly Scipione Zambeccari of Pontremoli (c. 1570–1632),
the dedicatee of Puliti’s Sacrae modulationes of 1600.46 He was advised to the young –
he was apparently not even twenty years old in 1600 – composer by a high ecclesiastical
dignitary, the vicar foraine (Lat. vicarius foraneus) of the Sarzana Bishop, Girolamo
Dodi. It is possible to deduce from the letter that Pulit had been asked to supply this
collection some years previously and was offering it now as an act of reverence to his
protector and superior.47 He was overtly hoping to gain glory to his motets by publishing
them under the illustrious name of Zambeccari. It is also worth pointing out that even
though this is the earliest known preserved collection by Puliti, the composer is already
described by a poet of the dedicatory epigram as “most skilled in music”, which, apat of
being a coded phrase, could suggest that this was perhaps not the first work Puliti had
written.
It is also not clear what was the nature of the relationship between Puliti and ­Alberico
d’Aragona Appiani (d.1628), the dedicatee of the 1602 Vesper psalms, and, according
to the composer, an excellent musician himself as well as a protector of musicians and
host of musical gatherings, whose home was a gathering place for them. Puliti was calling upon this powerful and important nobleman to help him in a difficult situation.48 The
46
The name of the dedicatee is not mentioned on the title-page itself, but only in the letter: “Illustri,
ac admodum excellenti I. V. C. D. Scipioni Zambecario Pontremulensi”. The letter is followed by
a six-line poem (hexasticon) in praise of Puliti (“Ad F. Gabriellem Pulitum virum musicae peritissimum”) by another “Iuris Utriusque Consultus” in Pontremoli, Antonio Bononi (or ­Bononio).
On Scipione Zabeccari, Girolamo Dodo (1534–1625) and Antonio Bononi (or Bologna (?–1649))
see N. Lovrinić, op. cit., 2007, pp. 68–70 and 157–161.
47
According to the title preceding his name (I. V. C. = Iuris Utriusque Consultus), Scipione Zambeccari was a highly educated man, who could offer good protection to the young musician. He
was especially known in legal circles in Pontremoli. The passage in the letter reads: “Cogitanti
mihi, vir integerrime, quo meam erga te benevolentiam, vel potius observantiam patefacere
possem, in mentem venerunt meae sacrae cantiones, quae vulgo motecta appellantur; quas
iamdiu typis praelum; committere mihi certum est, et tuo praeclaro nomini, pene dixi, numini,
ut his aliquid splendoris, accedat, dedicare.”
48
This Alberico Aragona Appiani can probably be identified with the noble citizen of Pia­cenza
Alberigo Appiani d’Aragona (1580–1628), later to become Palatine Count of the Holy Roman
Empire. Alberigo was a grandson of Girolamo, the founder of Appinai d’Aragona family wing
in Picenza, and pretender to the throne of the independent Tuscan state of ­ Piombino, ruled
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Figure 3
Title-page and dedicatory letter of Puliti’s Integra omnium solemnitatum vespertina psalmodia dedicated to Alberico Aragona Appiani from Piacenza in 1602 (Bologna, Civico Museo
Bibliografico Musicale, shelf-mark BB196/5 – Bassus; with permission).
by the Appiani dynasty. For the genealogy of the family see: http://www.infol.it/piombino_
dintorni/genealogia.htm (26 October 2007) and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Principate_of_
Piombino#Lords_of_Piombino_-_Appiani_dynasty (26 October 2007). From the letter of
dedication of the Integra omnium solemnitatum vespertina psalmodia, 1602: “Placentiam vix
pedem intuleram, Alberice Aragoni Appiane, cum tuae nobilitatis, eximiaeque virtutis, qua
reliquis omnibus ordinis tui viris antecellis, ita meas implevit aures, ut quemadmodum magnetis
vi quadam abdita ferrum trahitur, ita ego ad te, licet mihi de facie minus cognitum, colendum
fuerim compulsus, et observandum. […] has meas vigilias (psalmodia vespertina dicuntur) sub
tui nominis clypeo praelo subiciendas curavi […] Quem enim potius mihi patronum deligerem,
quam eum qui non modo musicam optime calleat, sed et eius artis peritorum conventus domi
suae perlibenter haberi velit, eorumque difficultates muneribus, ac liberalitate sustentet?
Apud te musicorum esse portum per hanc urbem fama pervulgavit, in hunc quietis causa meae
te recipiunt modulationes. […]” The dedication is followed by a couplet in honour of Puliti
(“Fallor [?] an angelico resonant modulamine cantus, / Quid dubitem? Gabriel concinit arte
melos.”) and two sestets in honour of Alberico Aragona Appiani. The example today preserved
in Bologna contains a manuscript annotation informing us that it was originally given to a
certain Fra Corradini from Cremona: “Ad illustre [Priore di] Petris Bacc.vi Fratris Michelis
Angeli Corradini ordinis Minori Conv. Cremonensis”.
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Metoda Kokole: “Servitore affetionatissimo Fra Gabriello Puliti” and the dedicatees of his published works
very formal structure of this letter, as well as the fact that Puliti stresses at the beginning of the letter that he had only just arrived in Piacenza (which would imply that he
knew the nobleman more by reputation than through personal contact, or that he knew
Appiani from before he came to Piacenza), support the hypothesis that this dedication
is addressed to a wished-for (rather than actual) patron, from whom the composer seeks
protection and the prestige of association.
On the other hand, it is safe to assume that Puliti was personally acquainted with
Franciscus Corelius, “utriusque legis doctore”, on whom we possess only the information
given in the letter of 1624, which is laid out in a conventionally formal manner but reveals
that the dedicatee was, in fact, a proficient musician (“the first among music teachers”),
to whom Puliti felt grateful and obligated.49
Interestingly, Puliti addressed himself to amateur musicians, some possibly very
proficient, on several other occasions. He refers to a number of his dedicatees from Koper
in their role as musicians. These include his pupil Mario Bonzi (in 1615 and in 1618),50
49
From the letter of dedication of Il secondo libro delle messe, dated 10 August (IV. Idus Augusti)
1624 at Venice, “Per illustri, ac eccelentissimo Viro D. Francisco Corelio utriusque legis Doctori etc.”: “Hasce meas modulationes eo venerabilius sacras, quo Sacratissimas missas ipsis
modulandas suscepi, tibi (praestantissime Domine) prae omnibus volui iure merito consecratas, quibuscum vel gratia, vel servitute familiariter versor, et quorum humanitate, atque benignitate modestissime utor, tum quia es omnium virtutum genere perornatus, tum quia maxime,
et vocum, et instrumentorum, quae ad musicam artem pertinere videntur, non vulgarem quidem intelligentiam calles, quin adeo musicorum per studiosum ipsam Apollinis armonicam
facultatem apud te pollere certo scio, ut in te uno Musarum Chorus, tot, quotquot sunt, Caelorum orbes, Apolloque ipse nedum gloriari fatentur reperiri melos, sed uno omnium consensum
cuncti tibi primum inter musices Professores concedunt locum: imo et Musarum Chorus, et
Caelorum orbes, et Apollo isdem tuis manibus, et tybias, et Organa, et Cytharas, et quemcunque alia instrumenta concrepantibus bene convenire; et adaptari profecto prae caeteris aliis,
et excellentius (auderem dicere) quam sibi ipsis profantur. […] Proinde ego inter musicos, tamet
si perexilis, cum in theatrum, ac in omnium aures meas compositiones apparere constituerim,
molitus pro mei ingenii parte attingere musicorum, nisi prima, saltem propiora fastigia, eas
tibi uno dedere, atque dono dare opere pretium duxi. […]” The dedicatee is, interestingly, not
mentioned on the title-page of this publication.
50
The 1615 collection was in fact dedicated to Mario’s father Michiele, but on behalf of Mario,
Puliti’s pupil, to whom was dedicated also the lost volume of Fantasie from 1618 (from the titlepage: “Dedicate al Molto Magnifico Signor Mario Bonzi”.) From the letter of dedication of the
Lunario armonico perpetuo, dated 3 March 1615 at Venice, “Al Mag.co S.or Michiele Bonzi
mio Sig. Honorando”: “Viverà eterna in me la memoria delle gratie, e favori dalla molto sua
cortesia largamante ricevuti la qual stimolandomi del continuo à ricompensa, e guiderdone, fà
ch’io non tralassi punto alla giornata, ch’al mio debito si conviene. Il che parmi d’ottenere in
parte, disciplinando, così nel suono, come nel canto Mario suo uno et unico Figliuolo; fanciullo
veramente di rilevato ingegno, e d’indole nobilissima: Pure non m’appago tanto di questa opera
che io sempre non desideri nuova occasione ond’io maggioramente facci palese al Mondo la
gratitudine, egli oblighi; che li devo: si come parmi à punto di conseguire con la dedicatione
che fò à V. S. della presente mia Operetta fatta solo, e composta in gratia del suo gentilissimo
Figliuolo. La gradirà volontieri, come derivantiva d’amore, e animo grato. […]” The name of
the dedicatee was, however, not printed on the title-page of this work.
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De musica disserenda III/2 • 2007
Barnaba Bruti (1620),51 and, last but not least, Pietro Pola (1620),52 whose house Puliti
goes so far as to call “an Academy of Music”. Another musician was Orazio Negri from
Labin, the dedicatee of Puliti’s 1621 volume,53 and we must not forget Puliti’s secondary
51
Barnaba Bruti (1583–1660), to whom the prefatory text of Puliti’s Lilia convallium is addressed,
was an important member of a family, based at the time in Koper but originating from Albania,
which had distinguished itself through diplomatic and military service to the Venetian Republic.
In August 1619 Barnaba Bruti was raised to a knighthood for his exceptional services by the
Venetian Doge Antonio Priuli. See also P. Stankovich, op. cit., p. 434; and D. Venturini, op. cit.,
pp. 384–385. From the letter of dedication of the Lilia convallium, dated 20 February 1620 at
Venice and addressed “Al Molto Illustre Signor il Signor Cavaliere Barnabà Bruti”: “[…] Hora
havendo la bassa Vite del mio debol ingegno (nel mezzo della mia quiete) partorito questo picciol
frutto, in honore della Madre di Dio, mi è parso acciò non perda il frutto, et il gusto, appoggiarlo
all’albero, et protettione di V. S. Molto Illustre sapendo io molto bene, ch’ella prende sommo
diletto della Musica, […] ma solo dirò, che V. S. si degni d’accettar questa picciola dimostratione
dell’interno mio affetto […]” The dedication is followed by two poems, one addressed to Bruti
and the other to the “book” itself: the volume of Marian motets. The latter was from the pen of
one of the foremost members of the Accademia Palladia of Koper, Giovani Battista Brati.
52
Pietro Pola (1545–1630), the dedicatee of Puliti’s Sacri accenti, was an erudite man of letters, poet and musician, and one of the leading members of the Koper Academy. See also P.
Stankovich, op. cit., pp. 240–241; and Baccio Ziliotto, Accademie ed accademici di Capodistria, Archeografo triestino 7 (1944), p. 131. The letter of dedication of the Sacri accenti, dated
24 February 1620 at Venice, was addressed “Al Molto Illustre Signor il Signor Caualiero Pietro
Pola”. The dedication (see note 41, above), is accompanied by two poems: a madrigal addressed
to Puliti by Giovanni Battista Brati (reproduced as an introduction to this article) and a madrigal addressed to Pietro Pola. O quam pulchra est from the Sacri accenti was dedicated to the
Inquisitor General of Istria, Gregorio Dionisi da Cagli (“Ad instantia del molto R. P. Maestro
Gregorio Dionisi da Cagli Inquisitor Generale in Istria. In festo Sancte Ursule.”).
53
On Orazio Negri, see E. Stipčević, Introduction, in: Gabriello Puliti, Baci ardenti, op. cit.,
2003, XL–XLI. From the letter of dedication of Armonici accenti, dated 2 January 1621 at
Venice and addressed “Al Molto Illustre Sig. il Sig. Cavaliero Oratio Negri d’Albona”: “[…] Di
quì è ch’andando io fra me stesso considerando il gentilissimo, et ben composto animo di V. S.
Molto Illustre, et quanto gusto, et dilettatione, ella prende della Musica, per più ragioni mi son
mosso à dedicargli questa picciola faticha, di queste mie Ariette; la prima per il gusto ch’ella ne
piglia, la seconda per l’animo generoso (ch’io già molt’anni ne resto ammiratore) et l’altra essendo io alla servitù di Maestro di Capella, et Organista nella Chiesa maggiore di questa Nobil
Terra vostra d’Albona, era dunque il dovere ch’io l’appoggiassi lo Scudo, et protettione di V. S.
Molto Illustre […] et potrà con la forza de suoi splendori, disgombrare qualche maligna impressione che suole partorire spesso l’invidia. […]” There is also a second dedication preceding the
madrigals that celebrates the wedding of the Venetian noble Antonio Bragadino with Agnesina
Negri, probably Orazio’s daughter. The texts were by two members of the Accademia Palladia
of Koper: Otonello de’Bello and Giovanni Battista Brati. There is also a panegyric addressed
to Puliti by Don Lelio Peregrini from Split (It. Spalato), who wrote a similar one in honour of
Tomaso Cecchini for the latter’s Canti spirituali of 1613. Orazio Negri is mentioned again in an
earlier dedication by Puliti to the Negri family contained within the dedication of his mascher­
ate titled Ghirlanda odorifera “Al molto Illustre, et Eccellentissiomo Signor Tranquillo Negri
d’Albona”, dated 10 January 1612 at Venice. This dedication stresses the composer’s indebtedness to the family: “Questa Ghirlanda, che di varij fior quest’anni passati da Scherzo tessei,
solo per mia ricreatione, e diletto, sonandola tal volta nel Liuto, nella Cetra, et in altri strumenti,
hor da dovero, per compiacere à chi debbo, sono sforzato di darla in luce. […] Io con lo splendor
122
Metoda Kokole: “Servitore affetionatissimo Fra Gabriello Puliti” and the dedicatees of his published works
dedications of separate pieces within his collections of monodic motets of 1618 and 1620
(both sets), which, included under the guise of being printed by special request, were
inscribed to leading musicians such as Giacomo Finetti, “maestro di cappella” at the Cà
Grande in Venice.54 All these dedications, signed by a “most affectionate servant” (“Servitore Affetionatissimo”), or even a “Servant with all his heart” (“Servitore di cuore”)
in Bonzi’s case, would fit perfectly into Annibaldi’s third category of dedications: that
honouring friendship and showing gratitude.
Figure 4
Beginning of the motet O
quam spetiosa, dedicated to
Giacomo Finetti, from the
Lilia convallium of 1620.
(London, The British Library, shelf-mark K. 8h 30,
p. 2; with permission of the
BL Board).
One of Puliti’s Latin dedications of 1614 undoubtedly deserves special attention.
The dedication of his Psalmodia vespertina of 1614 to Giacomo Reinprecht, Abbot of
Stična,55 testifies to the composer’s strong interest in gaining the protection of the ­highest
vivace del nome di V. S. tento d’abbellire questi pochi fogli […] poiche è chiarissimo quanto lei
si diletti di poesia, di filosofia, et quanto sia amatore de’ Virtuosi. Et per le cortesie ch’io in casa
sua hò ricevuto, e da lei, e dalli Signori Marchio, et Horatio, suoi fratelli, de quali s’io volessi
dir i meriti, et l’heroiche qualità, com’anco quelle del Signor suo Padre, e del Signor Capitan
Gio. Battista suo Zio. […] E facendo per adesso fine allo scrivere, non faro fine però in estender
queste picciole mie forze in servitio di V. S. che già le dedicai per debito di gratitudine, et per
decreto di volontà. […]” On Tranquillo and Orazio Negri, see also Baccio Ziliotto, Tranquillo
Negri rimatore albonese del secolo XVII, Atti e memorie della Società istriana di archeologia
e storia patria 25 (1910), pp. 285–316.
54
The O quam speciosa of the Lilia convallium was written at the request of Giacomo Finetti (“Ad
instanza del P. F. Iacomo Finetti maestro di Capella alli Frari in Venetia”). See note 25, above,
and also B. Bujić, op. cit., 1997, p. 69.
55
Abate Iacobo (Giacomo Reinprecht, Abbot from 1603 to 1636). On Reinprecht, see Metod
Mikuž, Vrsta stiških opatov, Ljubljana, Jože Kramarič, 1944, p. 65; Jože Gregorič, Cistercijani v
Stični, Ljubljana, Cistercijanski samostan v Stični, 1980, pp. 81–83; Jože Mlinarič, Stiška opatija
1136–1784, Novo mesto, Dolenjska založba, 1995, pp. 496–524.
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De musica disserenda III/2 • 2007
authorities of the Counter-Reformation movement, not only within Italian territory but
also further afield, in the Inner-Austrian lands, where the Abbot Reinprecht was one of
the most zealous propagators of Counter-Reformation ideas, a principal Inquisitor in Carniola, and, not least, a fervent promoter of the Roman liturgy that was, after the General
Council of 1599, to replace the older Aquilean and other indigenous rites. Puliti, who
stressed the fact that his Psalmodia was composed “iuxta ritum Sacrosanctae Romanae
Ecclesiae”, was advised to seek Reinprecht’s patronage and protection by the Bishop of
Trieste, Ursino de Bertis, another partisan of the Counter-Reformation and a friend of the
Abbot.56 In his letter of dedication Puliti mentions Reinprecht’s connections and good
friends in Italy, on whom we do not possess further information.57
Incontestable, however, is the Abbot’s inclination towards the arts in general; he
contributed greatly to the new outlook of the monastery, whose leader he was from 1603
until his death in 1626. Worth mentioning are the ornamental baroque stuccature in the
monastery’s east tower, which contain, among other things, a scene of the Last Judgment
depicting the Jaws of Hell, towards which, very significantly, a Protestant preacher is
being led.58 What kind of protection Puliti expected from Reinprecht is not quite clear,
56
Ursino de Bertis (1559–1620) was until 1589 a high-ranking official at the Inner-Austrian Court
in Graz, where he served as a secretary to Archduke Karl. In 1597 he was appointed Bishop of
Trieste by Archduke Ferdinand. He was one of the main promoters of the Roman liturgy that was
imposed in place of the older Aquilean rite. All his life, he was closely connected with the Franciscan Order of Conventuals (Fratelli Minori Conventuali). See C. Morelli, op. cit., vol. 3, 1855,
pp. 259–264; and Luigi Tavano, Bertis, Ursino de, Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reichs
1448 bis 1648, ed. Erwin Gatz, Berlin, Duncker & Humbolt, 1996, pp. 49–51.
57
From the letter of dedication of the Psalmodia vespertina, dated 15 January 1614 at Venice and
addressed to “Illustri ac Reverendissimo in Christo Patri D. Iacobo celeberrimi monasteri Siticensis Ordinis Cisterciensis Abbati benemerito, ac Serenissimi Principis D. D. Ferdinandi Archiducis Austriae, et a Consiliis, etc.”: “[…] et iam maximo in honore inter provinciae Carniolanae
primarios proceres constitutum, suo gremio retinet; sed et in Italia propemodum universa, ut doctissimi quique, amicitiae et benignitati tuae, omnibus nervis sese insinuare contendant; scientes a
virtutis et doctrinae nitore amicitiam et benevolentiam proficisci et confoveri, et gratiam hinc semel cohortam, utpote quae a virescenti promanaris principio, nunquam fere, neque senio, neque
squalore marcescere. Ne igitur mirere, cur haec mea Cantica Vespertina quatuor vocibus paribus
cantanda, tibi nomine et fama solummodo mihi noto, dedicanda consuerim, cum ego quoquae
aperto pectore, sed summa interim reverentia, non dicam amicitiam tecum inire (neque hoc tua
patitur dignitas) sed sub clientelae tuae umbra conquiescere cupiam, quod fieri nolui absque
literario qualicunque commercio, cum literarum et virtutum studiosos, (et musicae precipue, qua
Dei nomen extollitur,) maximo favore prosequaris, liberalitate demercaris, comitate allicias, et
eorum studia pro virili foveas, ac tuearis. Quibus rebus mihi hactenus allecto Illustrissimus et Reverendissimus D. Ursinus de Bertis, Episcopus et Comes Tergestinus, qui non raro de praeclaris
tui animi dotibus loqui solet, et cuius tam propensus est in te amor quam patris in fillium, animum
dedit, et currenti (quod aiunt) calcaria addidit […]” The letter is accompanied by a poem by Puliti
on the subject of the volume and by a panegyric addressed to Puliti by Alessandro Bettoni Scotto,
who in 1609 was a teacher in Trieste, probably attached to the public school that operated in the
Minorite convent. It is possible therefore, that Puliti and Scotto were personally acquainted. See
also Attilio Tamaro, Storia di Trieste, vol. 2, Roma, Alberto Stock, 1989, p. 139.
58
Marijan Zadnikar, Samostan Stična in njegove znamenitosti, Ljubljana, Družina, 2001, pp.
238–244.
124
Metoda Kokole: “Servitore affetionatissimo Fra Gabriello Puliti” and the dedicatees of his published works
Figure 5
Letter of dedication to the Abbot Giacomo Reinprecht of Stična from Puliti’s Psalmodia
vespertina of 1614. (From the original now kept in Modena, Duomo, Biblioteca e Archivio
Capitolare; with permission).
unless he was simply eager to prove the “correct” orientation of his faith – or even to
rebut the imputations of heresy directed during those years towards some of his brother
Franciscans, Italians as well as Slavs. Puliti composed the psalms for four equal voices
in direct response to the specific needs of the Cistercian monks in Stična, where Vesper
psalms were a compulsory part of daily devotions.
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De musica disserenda III/2 • 2007
The fact that Puliti was experiencing problems of some kind can be deduced from
two of the dedications written during his first years in his new host province, Istria. The
first is the 1605 collection of Scherzi capricci et fantasie that he dedicated as “a sign of
affection and respect” to Pietro dell’Argento, his “Signor et Patron”, a member of one
of the thirteen most important noble families in Trieste and later a Court Councillor in
Graz.59 The tone of the letter is altogether more familiar, and Puliti openly speaks in it of
slanderousness. He repeats the statement that he is hoping for protection against the offence caused by wicked tongues in the dedication of his Baci ardenti, which is inscribed
to Archduke Ferdinand of Inner Austria (1578–1637). Resident in Graz, Ferdinand was
one of the most ardent patrons of the arts and especially of Italian musicians.60 With this
dedication Puliti was seeking nothing less than the protection of the “Great Eagle”, a
traditional defender of Trieste.61 Two madrigals were in fact dedicated to Ferdinand’s
younger brother Archduke Maximilian Ernst (1583–1616), whom Puliti possibly met in
Trieste, when the young Archduke stopped there on his way to Rome.62 Quite possibly,
his secular works, such as the madrigals on amorous and even erotic subjects, having
been deemed none too suitable for a monk and man of the Church, had provoked some
adverse comments that he wished to counteract by adorning his latest opus with the name
of such an important protector.
Throughout his life Puliti sought important patrons among high ecclesiastical dignitaries, possibly in order to balance his secular interests. To this category belongs the
dedication of his last known printed collection, the collection of Vesper psalms, Salmi
59
From the letter of dedication of Scherzi capricci et fantasie, dated 16 September 1605 at Venice
and addressed “Al Nobile et molto Magnifico Sig. et Patron mio collendissimo, il Sig. Pietro dell’Argento da Trieste”: “Piaccia adunque a V. Sig. d’aggradire questa piccola mia fatica, in segno
dell’Affetto, e reverenza che li porto; essendomeli il di già del tutto dedicato fin da quel tempo,
che per suo diporto venne à Muglia. Da denti delli invidiosi non temo, perche l’invidia, non mira
cosi basso: et sò che sotto tal scudo farò sicuro da morsi de calunniatori: quali certamente à torito
offendono coloro, che cercano porgere diletto senza offesa d’altri, con le loro fatiche. […]” On
Argento, see also P. Stankovich, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 435; and on the family also S. Sghedoni, op.
cit, pp. 15–25: 19.
60
Hellmut Federhofer, Musikpflege und Musiker am Grazer Habsburgerhof der Erzherzöge Karl
und Ferdinand von Innerösterreich (1564–1619), Mainz, B. Schott’s Söhne, 1967, pp. 46–47;
Steven Saunders, Cross, Sword and Lyre. Sacred Music at the Imperial Court of Ferdinand II
of Habsburg (1619–1637), Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1995, pp. 3–9; and B. Bujić, op. cit, 1997,
pp. 63–64.
61
From the letter of dedication of Baci ardenti, dated 25 February 1609 at Venice and addressed
“Al Sereniss. Prencipe Ferdinando Arciduca d’Austria, etc.”: “Perilche stando in me stesso un
giorno frà gli altri, mi venne in pensiero (havendo già inteso quanto sia vaga dell’arte, et numeri
armonici) di comporre li presenti Madrigali, intitolati BACI ARDENTI, atti per aventura ad
esprimer la mia devota servitù, et l’animo mio affettuoso verso il merito di V. Altezza Serenissima, la quale non sdegnerà, che restino segnati nella fronte del suo temuto, et riverito nome, per
assicurarli sotto l’ali di sì grand’AQVILA da gli oltraggi del tempo, et del’ingiuria delle male
lingue. […]” Unfortunately, the letter of dedication offers no further information about the manner in which the collection was put together; nor does it comment on its content. For more details,
see B. Bujić, Introduction, in: Gabriello Puliti, Baci ardenti, op. cit., 2003, pp. XXIII–XXIV.
62
See B. Bujić, Introduction, in: Gabriello Puliti, Baci ardenti, op. cit., 2003, p. XXIV.
126
Metoda Kokole: “Servitore affetionatissimo Fra Gabriello Puliti” and the dedicatees of his published works
dominicali concertati, dated 1 January 1635 at Venice63 and dedicated to the Bishop of
Trieste, Count Pompeo Coronini,64 to whom, as he put it, he owed a debt of gratitude. The
collection is followed by an epigram in honour of Puliti, in which an unknown author
compares the composer to a swan, alluding to the white colour of his beard.65
Another interesting dedication, filled with information on the social circles within
which the composer moved, was signed on 15 March 1618 in Koper. He dedicated his
first collection of sacred monodies, “concerti a una voce sola, canto overo tenore con il
basso sotto da sunare in qual si voglia strumento chorista”, entitled Pungenti dardi spiri­
tuali, to the Conventuals of the monastery of Santa Croce in Florence. From his letter
we learn that he felt obliged to them for having enjoyed their hospitality at some time in
the past and now wished to repay them by offering the fruits of the labour of their humble servant.66 Of greater significance, however, is that Puliti made also nine secondary
dedications in this same collection, inscribing individual monodies to friends from Koper,
and above all to local nobles from the circle of the Accademia Palladia,67 who included
63
In the original “Kalendae Januaris”. From the letter of dedication of Salmi dominicali: “Oppugnavit me Illustrissime et Reverendissime Domine, uno, eodemque tempore duplex adversarius,
pudor scilicet, ac debitum: quorum tanta fuit vis, ac pertinacia, ut uterque de me victoriam facile reportarit; pudor quidem merito de me triumphat, quia hac mea tenui ad numeros musicos psalmorum compositione Illustrissimae Dominationi tuae umbram potius, qua eidem decus,
lucemque videor allaturus. A debito autem tum gratitudinis, tum observantiae ita me victum,
immortalique nexu Illustrissimae Dominationis tuae constrictum fateor, ut neque me expedire,
neque par in referenda gratia ullo modo esse possim […]”
64
Pompeo Coronini (ca. 1581–1646) was a member of an old noble family from Gorizia. He belonged to Puliti’s order and occupied high positions at the Court in Graz. Before being appointed
Bishop of Trieste in 1631, he occupied the same post in Ljubljana and Pićan (It. Pedena in Istria).
He is known to have had personal literary ambitions and was also a poet. On Coronini, see C.
Morelli, op. cit., vol. 3, 1855, pp. 288–289; and France M. Dolinar, Coronini (Caronino, Coroninus), Pompeo, Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reichs 1448 bis 1648, ed. Erwin Gatz,
Berlin, Duncker & Humbolt, 1996, pp. 112–113.
65
The epigram (“Epigramma in laudem Auctoris”) runs as follows: “Angelus es Gabriel, Gabriel
cum carminas cantas, Cum pangis psalmos, Angelus es Gabriel. Iam tua Cygnaeas imitantur tempora plumas, Iam cadit in Barbam nix veneranda tuam; Candidus es Gabriel, cani instar candida
Cygni Barba, at Apollineis aemula forma genis; Albus olor Gabriel, es pulcher Apollo Puliti, Sed
merito psalmis vincis utrumque tuis.”
66
From the letter of dedication of Pungenti dardi spirituali, dated 15 March 1618 at Koper and addressed to the “Molto Reverendi Padri et Patroni in Christo Osservandissimi”: “[…] Qual legge,
quando di prima intesi, tanto mi piacque che io, non Barbaro, o Partho; ma Toscano, Christiano; et
per gratia particolare di Giesu Christo Franciscano Conventuale, deliberai servirme di lei, qualunque volta mi occorresse comparire avanti à miei Maggiori, come apunto intendo far di presente;
[…] apresento ad elle queste mie Musicali fatighe, che’l mio natural ingegno, aiutato dalla gratia
di Dio, hà novellamente prodotto. Et perche due sorte di persone frà l’altre sogliono far presenti;
cioè i Patroni à Servitori in segno della cortese loro affetione, et Servitori à Patroni in tributo
della lor servitù; Havendomi le PP. Vostre donato segno si raro del non finto amor loro; mentre
m’hanno honorato in prendermi, et annoverarmi per Padre di cotesto nobilissimo Conuento di
Santa Croce: (favore tanto più stimato da me, quanto cagionato solo dal nobile, et reale animo
loro.) Ogni ragione voleva, che anch’io apresentasse loro qualche segno della mia servitù. […]”
67
It should be noted that Puliti was apparently well connected with this academy, of which, as
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De musica disserenda III/2 • 2007
Raimondo Fini, the nephew of Tranquillo and Orazio Negri of Labin,68 Girolamo Zarotti,
Gavardo Gavardi and Ludovico Daini,69 not forgetting such musicians as his pupil Mario
Bonzi and the bass singer at the Cathedral Iseppe Albanese. One interesting person to
whom Puliti dedicated two motets, and who was also close to the Accademia Palladia,
was Gregorio Dionisi Da Cagli. The composer knew him personally from Koper as well
as from Labin, where Da Cagli received hospitality from the Negri family at the same
time as Puliti. Tranquillo Negri even composed a madrigal to celebrate the strictness of
the Inquisitor in religious matters.70
MAIN DEDICATION OF THE Pungenti dardi spirituali
“alli Molto reuerendi Padri del couvento [sic] di Santa Croce di Fiorenza”
SECONDARY DEDICATIONS
Stella splendida et matutina
“Ad istantia del Molto R. P. Maestro Gregorio da Cagli Inquisitor Generale dell’Istria”
Gaudebunt labia mea
“Ad istantia del : R. Pre Ludouico Daini Canonico della Catedrale di Capo d’Istria”
Ego flos campi
“Ad istantia del Signor Raimondo Fino”
O Felix Anima
“Ad istantia del Signor Mario Bonzi”
Exulta et laetare terra
“Ad istantia del Molto R. P. Maestro Iacomo Finetti Maestro di Capella della Cà Grande di
Venetia”
Confitemini Domino
“Ad istantia del Signor Gauardo Gauardi”
Versa est in luctum Citara
“Ad istantia del Molto R. Pre Iseppe Albanese canonico et Basso nella Catedrale di Capo
d’Istria”
Anima mea liquefacta est
“Ristampato et accomodato ad istantia del Signor Girolamo Zarotti”
O bone Iesu
“Da cantar con Chitarone ouero Teorba o Liuto”
O quam dulcis est nomen Iesu
“Del Sig. Bartolomeo da Fabriano detto il Pesarino. Ristampato ad istantia d’un suo seruitore”
already argued, he was possibly even a member. Many of its members are commemorated in
his musical publications: for example, Giovanni Battista Brati (“accademico Desioso”), who
contributed dedicatory sonnets and madrigals to Puliti’s collections of monodic motets issued in
1620 and some texts to his volume of secular monodies entitled Armonici accenti of 1621. On the
Accademia Palladia, see also I. Cavallini, Musica e filosofia, op. cit., 1987.
68
Raimondo Fini later became the author of Raccolta d’applausi in honour of the podestà of Koper,
Andrea Morosini (1643). See P. Stankovich, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 253. On Negis, see also note 53,
above.
69
Ludovico Daini was a collaborator on Rime e prose, a collective act of homage by the members
of the Accademia Palladia to the podestà, later doge, Nicolò Donato. See B. Ziliotto, op. cit.,
1944, p. 141 and p. 148.
70
See G. Radole, op. cit., 1990, p. 39. Da Cagli was probably also a musician.
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Metoda Kokole: “Servitore affetionatissimo Fra Gabriello Puliti” and the dedicatees of his published works
One of the motets is addressed to Giacomo Finetti,71 “maestro di cappella” at the
Frari in Venice, who was apparently directly connected with Puliti not only as a member
of the same religious order, a musician, a lute player and a composer but also as a friend
and even, possibly, a pupil. In this connection, it is interesting that Puliti, who on the titlepage of the collection advises the use of “any kind of instrument” for the basso continuo,
explicitly prescribes the theorbo or lute for one of the pieces, the motet O bone Jesu. The
practice of singing motets with the chitarrone was in fact especially common among the
Minorite friars in Venice. Interestingly, the volume in question also contains one of a few
compositions by Bartolomeo Barbarino (from his 1610 collection) published in a volume
containing music by another composer. The motet was reproduced by Puliti in its simple
form, with the expectation that the performer would add improvised ornamentation.
A further observation to be made about Puliti’s collection Pungenti dardi spirituali
is that, together with Lilia convallium and Sacri accenti of 1620, it appears in Alessandro
Vincenti’s catalogue of music in a section containing music to be sung and played on
plucked string instruments, most of which is secular in type, rather than under the heading
“Motets”, as one would have expected.72 Interesting, too, is the fact that all three dedications were written in Italian and not in erudite Latin, which in Puliti’s time was still customary for sacred works. Perhaps the conclusion to draw is that the pieces were intended
for private devotional (or even recreational) use rather than for insertion, as paraliturgical
items, into a religious service.
All Puliti’s dedications from the 1620s were addressed to members of the secular
Istrian nobility, each recently promoted to the rank of cavaliere: Barnaba Bruti and Pietro
Pola, both from Koper, and Orazio Negri from Labin. This was apparently an act of
congratulation by Puliti on their social promotion, as well as an expression of his need
for protection and a token of his friendship. It is indicative that all three dedicatees are
singled out by Puliti as musicians.
Yet another type of a dedication – an offering of gratitude – is a small collection of
Marian Vespers of 1618, interestingly addressed to a secular dignitary, Benvenuto ­Petazzi.
The volume would seem to be committed by the composer’s order, to express gratitude
for large donations. From the letter it is not clear at all if Puliti was personally acquainted
with the dedicatee or not, as at the time the composer was residing in Koper. Petazzi was,
in his advanced age, known to act as a promoter of a revival of a literary academy “degli
Arrischiati” in Trieste, and was also a dedicatee of other literary and scientific works.73
Therefore, he could well fall into a category of Puliti’s literary acquaintances.
71
On Finetti see notes 25 and 54, above.
“Musiche per cantar e suonar nel chitaron tiorba arpicordo”. See Indice di tutte le opere di musica
che si trovano nella stampa della pigna di Alessandro Vincenti, Venezia 1621, in: Monatshefte
für Musikgeschichte 14–15 (1882–1883), p. 40 [original page no. 31], and O. Mischiati, op. cit.,
pp. 135–153 (Pungenti dardi, Lilia coualio [sic], and Sacri accenti are listed on the original
pp. 22–23).
73
In 1636 the Italian Rabbi, born in Trieste, Emmanuel Porto or Menahem Zion Porto Cohen, astronomer and mathematician, dedicated to the Count Benvenuto Petazzi his Porto astronomico in
four volumes. See web-site: http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/view.jsp?artid=460&letter=P
(29 October 2007).
72
129
De musica disserenda III/2 • 2007
To conclude this discussion, I would like to touch on the financial aspect of the
dedications. First, I may point out that Puliti, who, as a monk occupying a regular post as
organist of the local Cathedral and, on occasion, as a choirmaster, always with a fixed salary, had no overriding need to earn extra money through his dedications. In this respect,
one may concur absolutely with Claudio Annibaldi, who argues that “it is clear at this
point that the financial implications of the relation between a patron and an musician were
secondary: not only for a patron, to whom, obviously, prestige was more important than
lucre, but also for a musician, who often needed to seek out a high-ranking protector not
so much for financial gain as for the sake of non-monetary benefits arising from the feeling of being ‘secure and well protected’ in all daily and professional circumstances.”74
Nevertheless, we learn from the sonnet written by Puliti’s friend and patron Tranquillo Negri of Labin upon the composer’s return from Labin to Koper (Capris was one of
the old names for this town) in 1622, that our composer was not altogether insensitive to
the monetary side of his artistic endeavours and in fact “expected all to recompense him”
for his musical endeavours in their honour:
“L’Archimuseo Magistro Amphioneo
D’ogni erudition cantica predito
Qui è picto, con le Muse, a’ quali è dedito,
Come Rector dell’Equo Pegaseo;
Hora ch’il Plectro suo (ch’a Mastro Orpheo
Toglie del canto, e suon la fama, e ’l credito)
Spiega in Albona, loda ogn’un per debito
L’ut, re, mi, fa, sol, la suo Cithereo.
U’mentre le suo note udransi pangere,
Huopo è, ch’ogn’un li servi l’aes pollicito;
Acciò vi fermi un lungo domicilio;
Che senza mai stancar il supercilio,
Farà gran lucro, e havrà ogni piacer licito
Lasciando ai Caprariensi il core frangere.”
(Tranquillo Negri) 75
74
C. Annibaldi, op. cit., p. 20: “A questo punto è chiaro che i risvolti economici del rapporto mecenatesco-musicale diventano del tutto secondari. E non solo nei confronti del mecenate, a cui sono
ovviamente da attribuirsi ambizioni di prestigio e non fini di lucro, bensì anche nei confronti del
musicista, che spesso deve aver cercato una protezione altolocata non tanto per i relativi vantaggi
economici, quanto per i vantaggi non monetizzabili derivanti dal sentirsi ‘sicuro e ben difeso’ in
ogni contingenza quotidiana e professionale […]”
75
B. Ziliotto, op. cit., 1910, p. 307.
I should like to express my special thanks to Professor Michael Talbot for precious help and
revising of my text in English. I am also indebted to Dr Miran Špelič O.F.M. for revising my
transcriptions of dedications in Latin and to Dr Dinko Fabris for his generous help and revising
of my transcriptions of dedicatory letters in Italian.
130
SA–voc.
2.
Capodistria
Integra omnium solemnitatum vesper­
tina psalmodia, Op. 21,Venice 16188
11. SA–voc.
SE–instr.
9.
Lunario armonico, Op. 16, Venice 1615 Capodistria
Capodistria
SE–instr.
8.
Capodistria
Sacri concentus, Op. 14, Venice 1614
Pungenti dardi spirituali, Op. 20,
Venice 1618
SA–voc.
7.
Capodistria
Psalmodia vespertina, Op. 13,
Venice 1614
10. SA–voc.
SA–voc.
6.
Trieste
Ghirlanda odorifera, Mascherate a tre
voci, Venice 1612
Capodistria
SE–voc.
5.
Capodistria
(=Koper)
Baci ardenti, secondo libro de madri­
gali, Venice 1609
Fantasie, scherzi et capricci, Op. 19,
Venice 1618? (R1624)
SE–voc.
Muggia
Piacenza
Integra omnium solemnitatum vesper­
tina psalmodia, Milan 1602
Madrigali pastorali, [Venice] 1604
Pontremoli
Sacrae modulationes, Parma 1600
* Benvenuto Petazzi from
Trieste
“Padri del Convento di Santa
Croce” in Florence7
Mario Bonzi from Koper
Latin
Italian
Venice, 20 July 1614
Venice, 15 January 1614
Venice, 10 January 1612
Venice, 1 August 1618
Koper, 15 March 1618
there is no letter of dedi­
cation, since this was a
reprint of an earlier work
Italian
Italian
Italian
Latin
Latin
Italian
Venice, 25 February 1609 Italian
Venice, 16 September
1605
G
G
G
G
P or C?
P
G
P
P
C
C or P
P = Prestige
G = Gratitude
LANGUAGE TYPE
of the dedica- C = Commission
P = Protection or
tion
Milan, 7 July 1602
Latin
only on the Basso continu­
ato part
Parma, (10. Kal. Dec.)
= 22 November 1600
DATE1 and PLACE
of dedication
* Michele Bonzi from Koper6 Venice, 3 March 1616
Giovanni Turriano, Bishop
of Krk 5
* Abate Iacobo (Jakob Reinprecht), Abbot of Stična 4
Tranquillo Negri from Labin
Ferdinand II, Archduke of
Inner Austria; Graz 3
* Pietro dell’Argento from
Trieste
Alberico d’Aragona Appiani
from Piacenza
* Scipione Zambecari from
Pontremoli 2
TOWN
DEDICATEE
quoted on the
title-page or in
the dedication
TITLE of the collection
PLACE AND DATE of publication
SE–“per
Scherzi, capricci et fantasie,
cantare” but Venice 1605
without texts
4
3.
** SE–voc.
SA–voc.
1.
SA = Sacred
music
SE = Secular
music
GENRE
Appendix
Gabriello Puliti: WORKS AND DEDICATES
Metoda Kokole: “Servitore affetionatissimo Fra Gabriello Puliti” and the dedicatees of his published works
131
132
Capodistria
Capodistria
Albona
Albona
Capodistria
Trieste
Lilia convallium, Op. 22, Venice 1620
Sacri accenti, Op. 23, Venice 1620
Armonici accenti, Op. 24, Venice 1621
Celesti ardori, libro quinto delli con­
certi, Op. 26, Venice 1622
Il secondo libro delle messe a 4,
Op. 30, Venice 1624
Salmi dominicali, Op. 36, Venice 1635
12. SA–voc.
13. SA–voc.
14. SE–voc.
** SE–voc.
15. SA–voc.
16. SA–voc.
* Pompeo Coronini, Bishop
of Trieste12
Venice, (Kal. Jan.) = 1
January 1635
Latin
* Francesco Corelli from Tri- Venice, (IV. Idus Augusti) Latin
este, “utriusque legis dottore” = 10 August 1624
Umberto Testa, Bishop of
Pula
Italian
Venice, 24 February 1620 Italian
C
G?
P?
G and C
P and G?
P and G?
LANGUAGE TYPE
Venice, 20 February 1620 Italian
DATE1 and PLACE
of dedication
• Oratio Negri
Venice, 2 January 1621
• Antonio Bragadino and
Agnesina Negri from Labin11
Pietro Pola from Koper10
Barnaba Bruti from Koper9
DEDICATEE
1
Caution is in place with regard to the dating of Puliti’s works printed in Venice, since in the Venetian style (mos venetus) the year advanced on
March 1 and documents from January and February would be dated a year later in modern style. The Venetian style was used for preference in
­official documents (except notarial ones) and manuscript sources. With regard to the Venetian prints, it would appear that some of Puliti’s music collections are dated according to the modern style.
2
With a hexastichon by Antonio Bononi from Pontremoli I.V.C..
3
Two madrigals are dedicated “al Serenissimo Prencipe Massimiliano Ernesto Arciduca d’Austria”, younger brother of the main dedicatee, Ferdinand.
4
With a poem by Alessandro Bettoni de Scotto, public teacher in Trieste.
5
With an epigram by Alessandro Bruti.
6
One piece, Verona vere una, is by Celio Porro, an “eccellentissimo sonator di liuto” from Koper.
7
A number of pieces have individual dedications headed “ad istantia di”:
• Gregorio Dionisi da Cagli, Inquisitor General of Istria (1615–1635).
• Ludovico Daini, in 1618 a “canonico” of the Cathedral in Koper and a member of the Accademia Palladia.
• Raimondo Fini, a noble from Koper and a nephew of Tranquillo Negri from Labin.
• Mario Bonzi from Koper.
• Giacomo Finetti, “Maestro di cappella di Ca’ Grande” in Venice.
* The name of the dedicatee is not indicated on the title-page.
TOWN
TITLE of the collection
PLACE AND DATE of publication
GENRE
De musica disserenda III/2 • 2007
Metoda Kokole: “Servitore affetionatissimo Fra Gabriello Puliti” and the dedicatees of his published works
• Gavardo Gavardi, a noble from Koper, at the time member of the town-council.
• Iseppo Albanese, a “canonico e basso” of the cathedral of Koper.
• Girolamo Zarotti, nobleman from Koper and member of the town-council (the motet Anima mea
was taken from Puliti’s earlier Sacri concentus of 1614 and adapted for his friend Zarotti).
• The motet O quam dulcis est nomen Jesu is by “Bartolomeo da Fabriano detto il Pesarino ad
istantia d’un suo servitore”.
8
Identified with the Salmi e Litaniae della Madonna a 5 voci, recorded in Johann Gottfried
Walther’s Musikalisches Lexikon of 1732.
9
With a madrigal addressed to “Fra Gabrielle Puliti” by Giovanni Battista Brati. There is also an
individual dedication to “P. F. Giacomo Finetti, maestro di cappella alli Frari in Venezia”.
10
With a poem in honour of the “volume” by Giovanni Battista Brati. There is also an individual
dedication to “R. P. Maestro Gregorio Dionisi da Cagli, inquisitore generale dell’Istria”.
11
The texts of the madrigals are by Ottonello de’ Bello and Giovanni Battista Brati, both active
members of the Accademia Palladia of Koper.
12
With an epigram by an unknown author in honour of Puliti.
»SERVITORE AFFETIONATISSIMO FRA GABRIELLO PULITI«
IN OSEBE, KI SO JIM POSVEČENA NJEGOVA TISKANA DELA (1600–1635)
OD INSTITUCIONALNEGA NAROČNIŠTVA, ŽELJE PO ZAŠČITI, DO IZRAZA
OSEBNE HVALEŽNOSTI IN PRIJATELJSTVA
Povzetek
Šestnajst v celoti ali deloma ohranjenih glasbenih tiskov Gabriella Pulitija (ok. 1583–
1644) po svoji bogati glasbeni in tudi neglasbeni vsebini nudi poseben vpogled v kulturno in družabno življenje krajev, v katerih je po rodu toskanski skladatelj deloval in
zanje prispeval svoja umetniška dela in dejavnosti. Sistematični pregled vsebine, predvsem pa spremljevalnih besedil – posvetilnih pisem, hvalnih pesmi itd. –, v vsej njihovi kompleksnosti razkriva razvejane odnose med umetnikom skladateljem, naročniki
njegovih glasbenih del, dejanskimi zaščitniki glasbe in skladatelja, želenih oz. mogočih
zaščitnikov (tako cerkvenih kot tudi posvetnih), pa finančnih podpornikov (osebnih ali
takih, ki so podpirali skladateljev cerkveni red), prijateljev iz kulturnih, predvsem literarnih in akademskih krogov.
Pulitijeva posvetila (ohranjenih je petnajst pisem v italijanščini in latinščini, znano
pa je še eno ime posvečenca) se (z izjemo treh) obračajo na vplivne in mogočne zaščitnike
v krajih, povezanih s skladateljevim delovanjem v Istri: v Kopru, Labinu, Pulju itd. Ta
posvetila kažejo, da je po eni strani iskal zaščito oz. morda tudi finančno podporo, po
drugi pa je z njimi izkazoval zahvalo za že prejete milosti in pristno prijateljstvo. Ta
zadnji tip je na primer veljal za dela, ki jih je poklonil svojim učencem ali glasbenim
družinam, kot so bile Bonzi, Pola in Bruti v Kopru ali pa Negriji iz Labina, Argento iz
Trsta. Tem je posvečal svoja posvetna ali paraduhovna dela (enoglasne motete), medtem
ko je funkcionalna liturgična glasbena dela (pri nekaterih je celo izpostavil dejstvo, da so
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De musica disserenda III/2 • 2007
napisana po »pravi liturgiji« svete rimske cerkve) večinoma posvetil visokim cerkvenim
dostojanstvenikom, npr. puljskemu, koprskemu in tržaškemu škofu.
Med zanimivejšimi posvečenci je tudi opat stiškega samostana na Kranjskem, Jakob
Reinprecht, ki mu je Puliti na nasvet takratnega tržaškega škofa Ursina de Bertisa posvetil
zbirko devetnajstih večernih psalmov za štiri enake moške glasove – očitno napisanih
prav za rabo pri samostanskem bogoslužju. Zdi se, da si je od tega posvetila obetal predvsem »zaščito« pod imenom visokega protireformacijskega dostojanstvenika, saj bi lahko
iz nekaterih drugih posvetilnih besedil (predvsem leta 1605 Pietru dell’Argentu in 1609
nadvojvodi Ferdinandu) lahko sklepali, da je imel nekakšne »težave« in so ga nekateri
zlobni jeziki obrekovali.
Od tistih, katerim je namenil posvetila v svojih najzgodnejših znanih delih (npr.
Scipione Zambecari leta 1600 in Alberico d’Aragona Appiani dve leti pozneje), je zaščito
šele pričakoval, medtem ko se drugim v svojih posvetilih zahvaljuje za že prejeto milost,
najsi je bila ta naslovljena nanj ali pa na njegov red (kot v primeru posvetila Benvenutu
Petazziju leta 1618). Naknadno se je zahvaljeval tudi očetom samostana Santa Croce v
Firencah, ker so ga v preteklosti milostno sprejeli medse.
Puliti je vse življenje iskal podporo mogočnih cerkvenih zaščitnikov, morda tudi
zato, da bi tako uravnovesil pomen liturgičnih del s svojo posvetno glasbeno produkcijo,
ki ne nazadnje vsebuje tudi dela z nekoliko spotakljivejšimi vsebinami, kot na primer
ljubezenski, celo erotični madrigali zbirke Baci ardenti in nekatere maskerate zbirke
Ghirlanda odorifera. Iz celote njegovih skladb in posvetil lahko dejansko sklepamo, da
se je najbolje počutil v družbi glasbenikov in literatov, predvsem članov humanističnih
akademij, v prvi vrsti koprske Palladie. Zdi se tudi, da je bil finančni vidik pri njegovih
posvetilih drugotnega pomena, saj je bil kot redno zaposleni glasbenik verjetno tovrstno
preskrbljen, prav zato pa je toliko bolj potreboval moralno zaščito, po kateri kličejo verjetno prav vsa posvetilna pisma Gabriella Pulitija.
134
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